Garantía del conflicto: Estado performativo y el incumplimiento de acuerdos en el caso Tintaya/Antapaccay en Espinar
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Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú
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La implementación del modelo neoliberal y el recrudecimiento de la lógica
extractivista a partir del boom de commodities ha dado pie a la proliferación de
conflictos en torno a las actividades extractivas en el Perú. Para hacerles frente, el
Estado ha recurrido a la conformación de mesas de diálogo desde el año 2000,
reuniendo empresas, sociedad civil y agentes estatales para arribar a compromisos.
Sin embargo, la Presidencia del Consejo de Ministros (PCM) estima que más del 50%
de acuerdos no se cumplen. Esto deriva a una garantía del conflicto: los mecanismos
estatales pierden legitimidad, se pierde la confianza ciudadana y se reactiva el
conflicto. En este trabajo se analiza el momento “post-acuerdo” tras la Mesa de
Diálogo de Espinar 2012-2013, en el contexto del conflicto con la empresa minera
Tintaya/Antapaccay. Se discuten distintos factores que condicionan el incumplimiento:
la baja capacidad estatal, la falta de coordinación entre sectores y niveles y las débiles
redes de gobernanza conformadas entre los actores involucrados. A partir de una
metodología cualitativa de process-tracing y análisis de 20 entrevistas semiestructuradas
realizadas, argumento que si bien los factores antes mencionados
cumplen un rol, hay algo más allá: una falta de intención política que se traduce en
una conducta de “stand-off” y en un Estado performativo. Más que la búsqueda de la
superación sustantiva del conflicto, el Estado utiliza mecanismos para aparentar dicha
superación y así proteger la actividad económica, dejando al conflicto en permanente
estado latente.
The implementation of the neoliberal model and the intensification of the extractivist logic following the commodities boom has given rise to the proliferation of conflicts around extractive activities in Peru. To confront them, the State has resorted to the formation of dialogue tables since the 2000s, bringing together companies, civil society and state agents to reach compromises. However, the Presidency of the Council of Ministers (PCM) estimates that more than 50% of agreements are not fulfilled. This leads to a guaranteed conflict: state mechanisms lose legitimacy, citizen trust is lost and the conflict is reactivated. This work analyzes the post-agreement moment after the Espinar 2012-2013 Dialogue Roundtable, in the context of the conflict with the Tintaya/Antapaccay mining company. Different factors that condition noncompliance are discussed: low state capacity, lack of coordination between sectors and state levels and weak governance networks formed between the actors involved. Based on a qualitative process-tracing methodology and analysis of 20 semi-structured interviews carried out, I argue that although the aforementioned factors play a role, there is something beyond: a lack of political intention that translates into a behavior of “stand-off” and in a performative State. More than the search for substantive management of the conflict, the State uses mechanisms to pretend management and thus protect economic activity, leaving the conflict in a permanent latent state.
The implementation of the neoliberal model and the intensification of the extractivist logic following the commodities boom has given rise to the proliferation of conflicts around extractive activities in Peru. To confront them, the State has resorted to the formation of dialogue tables since the 2000s, bringing together companies, civil society and state agents to reach compromises. However, the Presidency of the Council of Ministers (PCM) estimates that more than 50% of agreements are not fulfilled. This leads to a guaranteed conflict: state mechanisms lose legitimacy, citizen trust is lost and the conflict is reactivated. This work analyzes the post-agreement moment after the Espinar 2012-2013 Dialogue Roundtable, in the context of the conflict with the Tintaya/Antapaccay mining company. Different factors that condition noncompliance are discussed: low state capacity, lack of coordination between sectors and state levels and weak governance networks formed between the actors involved. Based on a qualitative process-tracing methodology and analysis of 20 semi-structured interviews carried out, I argue that although the aforementioned factors play a role, there is something beyond: a lack of political intention that translates into a behavior of “stand-off” and in a performative State. More than the search for substantive management of the conflict, the State uses mechanisms to pretend management and thus protect economic activity, leaving the conflict in a permanent latent state.
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Conflicto social--Perú--Espinar (Cuzco : Provincia), Industria minera--Aspectos ambientales--Perú--Espinar (Cuzco : Provincia), Justicia ambiental--Perú--Espinar (Cuzco : Provincia), Pueblos indígenas--Relaciones gubernamentales--Perú--Espinar (Cuzco : Provincia)
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