¿Menos democracia y más corrupción? Evaluando los resultados del populismo andino de izquierda
Date
2023-10-13
Authors
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Publisher
Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú
Abstract
La presente investigación busca determinar los problemas que se
derivan de los procesos signados como “revolucionarios”; en el caso del
Ecuador, como tema central; y, de Venezuela y Bolivia como ejemplos
de una misma tendencia política; en tanto estrategia abiertamente
populista. Es así que hemos identificado cierto paralelismo en la forma
en que han accedido al poder Rafael Correa Delgado, Hugo Chávez
Frías y Evo Morales Ayma, explotando las condiciones del hartazgo
social y de un electorado insatisfecho; y una vez en el poder, han
buscado perennizarse en él, aspecto que muchos estudiosos han
coincidido en calificar como subversión de los procesos democráticos,
que los condujo a las altas esferas de conducción del Estado, para luego
desmantelar la institucionalidad misma, como lo hizo Hugo Chávez, a la
sazón un “outsider” de la política que intentó reivindicar a los marginados
de su país en el marco de una élite exclusiva y excluyente, con la
promesa de una democracia más auténtica. Este discurso se aplicó en
forma similar en Ecuador; primero, a través de una sistemática
descalificación de los partidos políticos tradicionales, adjetivados como
la “partidocracia corrupta”, para a renglón seguido y una vez en el poder,
recurrir a la democracia plebiscitaria y plantear una nueva carta política
que resuma su ideario político. Lo propio sucedió con Morales en Bolivia,
a través de su campaña de estatización de los recursos hidrocarburíferos
y latifundios para ser distribuidos entre los más pobres y en el proceso,
la promulgación de una nueva constitución, aspecto análogo a lo que
hicieron Correa y Chávez. En este contexto, se fueron configurando
nuevas formas de autoritarismo a través de políticas expresas que limiten
la libertad de expresión y anulen a la oposición. Esta investigación intenta
establecer si la propuesta populista en los países andinos, efectivamente
erosionó la democracia y generalizó la corrupción.
The present research work is intended to determine the problems that derive from the processes designated as "revolutionary", in the case of Ecuador as a central issue of this analysis; and, of Venezuela and Bolivia as examples of the same political tendency; as an openly populist strategy. Thus, we have identified a certain parallel in the way that Rafael Correa Delgado, Hugo Chávez Frías and Evo Morales Ayma have come to power, exploiting the conditions of a dissatisfied electorate; and once in power, they have sought to perpetuate themselves in it, an aspect that many scholars have agreed to describe as a subversion of democratic processes, which led them to the upper echelons of State leadership; and then, dismantled the institutionality itself, as it did Hugo Chávez, at the time a marginal politician who ran against what he considered a corrupt ruling elite, with the promise of a more authentic democracy and the improvement of the quality of life of Venezuelans. This discourse was applied in a similar way in Ecuador; first, through a systematic disqualification of the traditional political parties, called the "corrupt partycracy", to then and once in power, draw on plebiscitary democracy and propose a new constitution that will pave the way for their political project. The same happened with Morales in Bolivia, through his campaign to nationalize hydrocarbon resources and large estates to be distributed among the poorest and in the process, the promulgation of a new constitution, analogous to what Correa and Chávez did. In this context, new forms of authoritarianism were being configured through express policies to restrict freedom of expression and annul the opposition. This research attempts to establish whether the populist proposal in the Andean countries effectively eroded democracy and generalized corruption.
The present research work is intended to determine the problems that derive from the processes designated as "revolutionary", in the case of Ecuador as a central issue of this analysis; and, of Venezuela and Bolivia as examples of the same political tendency; as an openly populist strategy. Thus, we have identified a certain parallel in the way that Rafael Correa Delgado, Hugo Chávez Frías and Evo Morales Ayma have come to power, exploiting the conditions of a dissatisfied electorate; and once in power, they have sought to perpetuate themselves in it, an aspect that many scholars have agreed to describe as a subversion of democratic processes, which led them to the upper echelons of State leadership; and then, dismantled the institutionality itself, as it did Hugo Chávez, at the time a marginal politician who ran against what he considered a corrupt ruling elite, with the promise of a more authentic democracy and the improvement of the quality of life of Venezuelans. This discourse was applied in a similar way in Ecuador; first, through a systematic disqualification of the traditional political parties, called the "corrupt partycracy", to then and once in power, draw on plebiscitary democracy and propose a new constitution that will pave the way for their political project. The same happened with Morales in Bolivia, through his campaign to nationalize hydrocarbon resources and large estates to be distributed among the poorest and in the process, the promulgation of a new constitution, analogous to what Correa and Chávez did. In this context, new forms of authoritarianism were being configured through express policies to restrict freedom of expression and annul the opposition. This research attempts to establish whether the populist proposal in the Andean countries effectively eroded democracy and generalized corruption.
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Keywords
Populismo--América Latina, Democracia--América Latina, Corrupción política--América Latina